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Source: AFP/File/Marco Longari
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Sudan has been torn by war since independence in 1956. The civil war between North, and South has left some 2 million people dead and many more that have fled their homeland. At the end of 2003, the Sudanese government and the rebel Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) reached a peace agreement mediated by the US, Britain, Norway and Italy. The agreement aims for a ceasefire, sets out conditions for power-sharing and creates a mechanism to determine the future of the South. However, strategic interests of outside powers and escalating violence in Darfur have rendered a quick conclusion on the peace deal impossible. Sudan's large oil deposits are central to the ongoing violence, as foreign governments and companies vie for lucrative concessions. As the North-South conflict eased, rebels in the western Darfur province challenged the government and were met with savage repression. In July 2004, UN Security Council Resolution 1556 endorsed the deployment of a protection force by the African Union (AU) to monitor the April 2004 ceasefire in Darfur. In November 2004, the Security Council held an extraordinary meeting in Nairobi, but the efforts of some Council members to impose sanctions on Khartoum were thwarted by China and Russia, veto-wielding members with significant oil interests. On January 9, 2005, the Sudanese government and the SPLA signed the Naivasha peace protocols, officially ending the North-South conflict. Yet many obstacles continue to block implementation.
Following months of discussion, the Council adopted three important resolutions in March 2005. To oversee the implementation of the North-South peace agreement, Council members decided to deploy a UN peacekeeping mission to Southern Sudan (UNMIS). The Council further agreed to refer perpetrators of human rights abuses to the International Criminal Court despite Washington's long-standing opposition to the Court. In response to armed parties' failure to comply with previous resolutions, the Council also ordered a travel ban and a freeze of assets for human rights violators. But human rights violations continue to take place in Sudan and violence rages on in Darfur. The conflict has spread across Sudan's western border with Chad. The AU peacekeeping force - called the African Union Mission in Sudan (AMIS) - has an insufficient mandate and inadequate international support, and has been left under-manned, poorly funded and ill-equipped to respond to the rapidly deteriorating conflict. As a result, Secretary General Kofi Annan decided to seek the integration of the AU peacekeeping mission in Darfur (AMIS) into UNMIS. Progress in this effort has lagged, however, as the plan has encountered opposition within the Security Council as well as from Khartoum.
Key UN Documents
Report of the Secretary General on Sudan (January 30, 2009)
In this report, the Secretary General reemphasizes that peace in the south of Sudan remains fragile after the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) ended a decades long north-south conflict. Ban Ki-Moon stresses that while the situation in Darfur aggravates the peace process, the indictment of Bashir has a major impact on political dynamics related to the CPA. He states that ICC actions "have diverted much attention at a time when outstanding issues related to the Comprehensive Peace Agreement require the parties' cooperation and renewed commitment."
Report of the Secretary General on the Sudan (July 23, 2008)
In this report to the Security Council, Secretary General Ban Ki-moon argues that the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), which ended the long-running Sudanese civil war, remains fragile. Clashes between northern and southern troops in the oil-rich city of Abyei in May 2008 and the situation in the western region of Darfur have blocked implementation of the CPA. Ban warns that peace in Sudan is indivisible, and that the CPA could fall through anytime, leading Sudan back into a full-scale civil war.
Resolution 1769 (July 31, 2007)
After threatening further sanctions to prod Khartoum into acquiescence, UN Security Council members unanimously passed Resolution 1769, a watered-down version of earlier proposals. The resolution espouses UNAMID, a hybrid AU-UN peacekeeping mission to Darfur, comprised of 20,000 military personnel and 6,000 police. UNAMID will act under Chapter VII to implement the Darfur Peace Agreement and to protect civilians and aid workers. The UN has yet to secure the cooperation of all of Darfur's rebel groups, which will be crucial to UNAMID's success.
Resolution 1755 (April 30, 2007)
In addition to extending the UN Mission in Southern Sudan (UNMIS) for 6 months, the Security Council calls on the Secretary General to appoint "urgently" a new special representative for Sudan. The resolution also expresses concerns over the restrictions imposed on UNMIS, and urges Khartoum to implement immediately its commitment to support, protect and facilitate all humanitarian operations in Darfur. It further calls upon all rebel groups who have not done so, to sign the Darfur Peace Agreement.
Arms Transfers to Sudan, 2004-2006 (September 25, 2008)
This report by Human Rights First gives an overview of the arms transfers to Sudan from 2004-2006. China, Russia, Spain, Turkey and other countries violated the 2004 Security Council arms embargo that requires all governments to prevent the sale or supply of weapons to Sudan. The US, the UK, France and Sweden also possibly violate the embargo because they did not take all possible measures to prevent the transfer of arms by third countries to Sudan.
Putting People First: The Protection Challenge Facing UNAMID in Darfur (July 28, 2008)
This Darfur Consortium report concludes that the UN peacekeeping mission in Darfur (UNAMID) fails millions of Darfurians every day. The report argues that even though UNAMID lacks basic equipment and troops, it could still do more to escort civilians and increase patrols. The report urges donor countries to fulfill their promises to provide troops and equipment, but also argues that UNAMID must do more to ensure the day-to-day protection of displaced peoples and aid workers.
Sudan's Oil Industry – Facts and Analysis (April 2008)
Oil drives conflict in Sudan, according to Fatal Transactions. The report notes that the Sudanese government undermines a peace-deal signed in 2005 between the North and South of the country by failing to move troops from oil producing areas in the South, and refusing to demarcate a border between the North and South that would evenly distribution oil fields. The author argues that state-owned oil companies from China, Malaysia and India perpetuate the conflict by providing the Sudanese government with military and financial support in exchange for drilling rights.
The Chad-Sudan Proxy War and the "Darfurization" of Chad: Myths and Reality (April 2008)
This report by Small Arms Survey notes that France uses an EU multilateral force (EUFOR) to protect its preferred ruler in Chad, Idriss Deby. The French justify the existence of the force by claiming EUFOR provides humanitarian relief to refugees affected by the conflict in Darfur. However, the author, Jerome Tubiana argues that France's involvement in the force undermines the legitimacy of the UN, and places humanitarian workers at risk of attack. Rather than a military intervention in the conflict, Tubiana suggests that the UN establish peace talks between opposition groups in Chad and the government, as well as between Chad and Sudan.
Beyond Sudan's Latest North-South Crisis (March 13, 2008)
The United Nations remains "dangerously disengaged" in solidifying a North-South peace agreement in Sudan due to its preoccupation with the conflict in Darfur. In 2005, opposing factions the Sudan Liberation People's Movement (SLPM) and the National Congress Party (NCP) signed a peace deal that ended civil war in Sudan. Yet, as the International Crisis Group reports, the UN has failed to follow up on this deal. As a result, the NCP refuses to move its troops from oil-producing areas of Sudan, and the SLPM has rearmed in protest. The report urges the UN to "re-engage robustly" to support the failing peace plan.
Humanitarian Advocacy in Darfur: The Challenge of Neutrality (October 2007)
This Humanitarian Policy Group brief analyzes the nexus between humanitarian, political and military action within Darfur. Questioning the impartiality of aid agencies in formulating policy positions, the report claims that traditional notions of neutrality are being eroded. This "non-permissive advocacy", has led to "high levels of insecurity for aid workers, and continuous efforts by the Sudanese government to curtail what it believes to be ‘political' activities."
Sudan: Arms Continuing to Fuel Serious Human Rights Violations in Darfur (May 2007)
As the Security Council discusses extension of the weapons ban on Sudan, Amnesty International calls for the UN to "strengthen the monitoring and verification mechanisms of the UN arms embargo to improve … implementation." Currently the wording of UN Resolution 1591 allows countries to supply arms to the Sudanese government as long as they are not used in the country. Amnesty calls on governments to stop transferring weapons to Khartoum, in line with international law obligations not to supply weapons knowing that the recipient is likely to use them to violate international law.
Darfur Bleeds: Recent Cross-Border Violence in Chad (February 2006)
Human Rights Watch (HRW) reports an alarming rise in attacks against civilians in Chad by Sudanese government-backed Janjaweed militias and Chadian rebel groups. According to HRW, the Janjaweed carry out in Chad what they have done in Darfur since 2003: "killing civilians, burning villages and looting cattle in attacks that show signs of ethnic bias." HRW calls on the government of Sudan, the African Union, and the UN Security Council to urgently authorize a transition of the AU peacekeeping force in Darfur to a UN mission to prevent the expansion of "ethnic cleansing" into Chad.
2010
139 Die in Southern Sudan Tribal Clashes (January 7, 2010)
The already unstable peace-agreement in Sudan has taken a further major hit. At least 139 people have been killed in tribal clashes between the Nuer and the Dinka in Souther Sudan. Aid groups in the country are calling for international action to avert a humanitarian disaster and a return to civil war. (Guardian)
Sudan's New Year of Fear (January 6, 2010)
365 days remain until Sudan holds the referendum that decides whether the South of the country will gain its autonomy. It will be a year fraught with difficulty. A combination of "rising violence, chronic poverty and political tensions" has already put the 2005 peace agreement in jeopardy. A further reason for tension: if the South gains autonomy, it will control approximately 87% of Sudan's oil-revenue. (Guardian)
2009
Deadly Faultline threatens to re-ignite civil war in Sudan (December , 2009)
After five years of peace, experts fear Sudan is sliding back towards civil war. The major obstacle to peace in Sudan is oil. Unity State, on the border of North Sudan, produces half the country's oil. Under the terms of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, the North must hand Unity State over to the South. At present, the oil fields in Unity State remain under the guard of northern security forces and all profits continue to flow to the government in Khartoum. The likelihood the North will give up the source of two thirds of its income is looking increasingly doubtful.. (The Independent)Tensions Soar in Sudan with Violent Clashes and Political Arrests (December 7, 2009)
Violent protests have erupted in Khartoum over the government's handling of the upcoming April 2010 elections, leading to the arrest of several members of the Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM) from southern Sudan. Political tension has been building ahead of the elections, which are expected to pave the way for a referendum in 2011 on the independence of the South. If Sudan doesn't meet the conditions for free and fair elections, the North-South conflict could easily be rekindled. (The Guardian)
Reading the AU Report (October 30th, 2009)
The African Union met this week to discuss a new Panel Report on justice and reconciliation in Darfur. The report shifts attention away from humanitarian issues and human rights violations, and onto the cause of the political crisis (which it identifies as the imbalance of power and wealth.) De Waal applauds the call to bring the Sudanese people to the centre of the process and is hopeful that the changed focus will set a fresh political solution in motion. (SSRC)
Africa's Last, Next War (October 8, 2009)
The independence referendum for Sudan is scheduled for January 2011. However, The North has been showing signs of stalling and delaying the vote - ignoring the promises of The Comprehensive Peace Agreement signed in 2005. McLure examines the dangers that would come from postponement. If the referendum is delayed, there is a strong possibility that the South would unilaterally announce its independence, and a third civil war would break out. (Newsweek)
Making Sense of Darfur: Call to Lift Sanctions from Sudan Deserves Praise not Derision (August 2009)
In theory, US sanctions against Sudan promote the interests of the Sudanese community. In reality, the sanctions damage these interests, inflicting harm on the poorest people, and entrapping the country in poverty and conflict. The author supports General J. Scott Gration's call for sanctions to be lifted. He argues that peace and stability in Sudan depend upon recognition and strengthening of economic and political human rights which require the US to remove the sanctions that limit these rights and allow Sudan to begin a journey toward recovery. (Social Science Research Council)
Although the conflict in Darfur is now officially over, Sudan and its neighbor Chad are still waging a proxy war via rebel militias in the region. Omar al-Bashir and Idriss Déby have repeatedly accused each other of funding rebels, and both governments have deployed soldiers along the border. Any initiative to establish durable peace in the region will have to include Chad, as well as its international supporters Libya and France. (IWPR)
Fuelling Mistrust: The Need for Transparency in Sudan's Oil Industry (September 2009)
This in-depth report by Global Witness warns of the potential resurgence of the conflict between Northern and Southern Sudan over oil resources. In 2005, a peace agreement ended 22 years of war with the promise that Sudan's oil revenues would be divided up between north and south. But the Southern government does not trust the figures published by Khartoum on its earnings from the oil industry. A return to the conflict is likely if the revenues from oil are not more transparent.
War in Sudan's Darfur "Is Over" (August 27, 2009)
General Martin Agwai, retiring commander of the joint UN and African Union peacekeeping force in Darfur, has announced that the situation in the region has moved from full-blown conflict to "security issues." The rebel groups have split into many factions, so the real problem is now political rather than military, says Agwai. His statement has been met with criticism from some analysts and aid workers, but the drop in the number of deaths and displacements suggests that the situation has changed substantially. (BBC News)
The "Genocide" in Darfur Isn't What it Seems (August 19, 2009)
By labeling the situation in Darfur as "genocide", the "Save Darfur" movement has popularized a black and white reading of the conflict, with one ethnic group cast as the victims and the other as the executioners. Although this simplified version of the situation has allowed for a greater coverage of the issue in Western media, it has also led to a deep misunderstanding of the conflict's dynamics. Because of this mischaracterization, the response of the international community to the crisis has been misdirected. (The Christian Science Monitor)
Darfur 'Genocide' Lies Unravelling (July 17, 2009)
The "Save Darfur" movement is losing its credibility. More an "advertising campaign" than a mass movement, the coalition has continued to press the "genocide" story and the notion of a battle of good against evil. The campaign has overstated the Darfur death toll and it has failed to address the responsibility of the rebel side of the conflict. (Pambazuka)
Sudan: Security Council Stalled Over Indictment (March 16, 2009)
The African Union (AU), the League of Arab States and the Organization of the Islamic Conference have asked the Security Council to invoke Article 16 of the Rome Statute, which would defer the indictment of Sudanese president Omar Al-Bashir for 12 months. The Council remains divided over this issue as France, the US and the UK are opposed to Article 16. The AU and other groups argue that deferring the case will stabilize the situation in Sudan and see Bashir's indictment as a political act by the West. (Inter Press Service)
2008
Love Thy Neighbor (November 18, 2008)
The 2005 comprehensive peace agreement between the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) and the central Khartoum government requires the two parties to share the country's oil on an equal basis. But after the SPLA signed an oil agreement with Kenya in September 2008, both Khartoum and the SPLA have re-armed. The UN cannot prevent the two sides from re-arming since the 2005 weapon embargo only applies to the western region of Darfur. (Inter Press Service)
Sudan: What Implications for President Al-Bashir's Indictment by the ICC? (September 25, 2008)
This report by the Institute for Security Studies argues that the ICC has jurisdiction over alleged crimes by citizens of countries that did not sign the ICC's Rome Statute. The ICC and the UN have concluded a ‘relationship agreement' committing both parties to respect each other's status and mandate. Although Sudan is not an ICC member and not all UN members have signed the relationship agreement separately, the author still argues that Sudan must accept the ICC's indictment of Sudanese president Al-Bashir.
Special Representative for Sudan Rejects Claims United Nations Mission 'Did Nothing' During Abyei Crisis (August 18, 2008)
UN Special Representative for Sudan, Ashraf Qazi, rejects claims that the UN peacekeeping mission in the Sudan (UNMIS) did nothing during clashes between government and rebel forces in May 2008. UNMIS, Qazi argues, successfully evacuated humanitarian workers and safeguarded over 100 civilians. He admits, though, that because of its weak mandate, UNMIS was powerless to enforce peace between both sides' strong military forces. (ReliefWeb)
Rebel Groups Must Unite to Reach Lasting Solution for Darfur (August 12, 2008)
General Martin Agwai of the African Union-United Nations peacekeeping mission in Darfur (UNAMID), argues that UN and AU member states have not reached a political solution in Darfur because they pressure the Sudanese government, but ignore the rebels. Agwai argues that UNAMID must shift its diplomatic efforts in order to engage all 30 rebel groups and create a united front to negotiate peace with the Sudanese government. (UN News Service)
There's No Peace for Us to Keep' (July 21, 2008)
General Martin Luther Agwai, the Force Commander of the UN Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) claims that peacekeeping has become a deadly business. In this article, Agwai argues that UNAMID remains under equipped and cannot maintain military peace on the ground in the absence of an ongoing political peace process. He urges the UN and its member states to engage the Sudanese government and the Darfur rebels to ensure that the 2006 Darfur Peace Agreement come into effect. Then, UNAMID's peacekeepers would have a peace to keep. (Mail and Guardian)
South Sudan Falls Out With Uganda (July 10, 2008)
After the incursion of the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) into southern Sudan in 2002, Uganda and Sudan forged an agreement allowing Ugandan forces to pursue military targets in southern Sudan. However, following accusations that Ugandan forces attacked Sudanese civilians during military operations in June 2008, the South Sudan Government is demanding the withdrawal of all Ugandan troops from Sudanese territory. Relations between both nations remain tense as the South Sudanese Army takes full responsibility to guard civilians against LRA attacks. (Institute for War and Peace Reporting)
Lost Opportunities in the Horn of Africa: How Conflicts Connect and Peace Agreements Unravel (June 23, 2008)
This Chatham House report argues that instead of handling each conflict separately, the UN and the African Union (AU) should deal with the Horn of Africa as if it were a "Regional Security Complex." The report urges the UN and AU to cooperate with local religious and civil society leaders to better integrate peacekeeping efforts in the region. By doing so, policymakers can further political and economic integration in the Horn region and avoid basing their efforts on richer countries' agendas.
Can the UN Fix Darfur without Fixing Chad? (June 24, 2008)
This Tehran Times article argues that UN officials who are trying to solve the conflict in Darfur must cooperate with international peacekeeping efforts to normalize relations between Chad and Sudan. The UN peacekeeping mission in Darfur (UNAMID) cannot keep the peace in the region while relations between Sudan and Chad are strained. The article urges coordination between UNAMID, EU peacekeepers in Chad and the UN mission in the Central African Republic and Chad to enforce the border and end the conflict between both nations. (Tehran Times)
Sudan Rivals Agree on Abyei Plan (June 9, 2008)
Sudanese president Omar al-Bashir and southern leader Salva Kiir have signed a peace agreement to end the conflict over oil-rich Abyei region. The new plan includes an interim administration for the region, which would demarcate a temporary border and assist in the return of displaced peoples. Kiir argues that the agreement will ensure that the region's oil resources are used for reconstruction along the north-south border, and states that the UN will have free access to the area in order to help displaced people return home safely. (al-Jazeera)
Sudan: Watermelons, Conflict and Climate Change (May 13, 2008)
Climate change triggers conflict over water resources in Sudan. As temperatures rise and rainfall drops in Sudan, pastoral herders and agricultural farmers clash over shared water reserves. However, while this report warns of the dangers of climate change, it also illustrates that the pastoral Kawahla tribe and farming Gawamha people of Sudan offer a useful model of conflict resolution. The two groups have learnt to adapt to the changes in climate – by increasing trade, making use of livestock byproducts on crops, and using community forums to mediate disputes over scarce water access. (Integrated Regional Information Networks)
Sudan: The Census Saga Continues (April 15, 2008)
The Sudanese government attempts to manipulate a national census and maintain control of the country's rich oil reserves, says Inter Press Service. The census is part of a UN backed Comprehensive Peace Agreement leading to the equitable sharing of oil resources between the North and South, based on population distribution. The author notes that by preventing the return of refugees to the South, the government believes it may control a larger percentage of oil revenues.
The Status of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in Sudan (April 2008)
The Sudanese National Congress Party (NCP) fails to implement key aspects of a peace-deal between the North and South of Sudan, according to the UN peacekeeping mission in Sudan (UNMIS). The NCP signed a Comprehensive Peace Agreement with the Sudan People's Liberation Movement in 2005, which promised to share oil revenues between the North and South. However, the NCP refuses to move troops from oil producing areas, obscures government oil assets and fails to abide by a boundary commission ruling for the North and South of Sudan. (UNMIS)
Military Leaders of Sudan and UN-AU Darfur Force Discuss Deployment (January 15, 2008)
The United Nations-African Union Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) officially took over from the African Union Mission in Sudan (AMIS) on December 31, 2007. The UNAMID force has 9,000 troops deployed out of the mandated 26,000 and lacks adequate equipment such as helicopters. However, despite these setbacks talks resumed this week between the Sudanese Armed Force and UNAMID officials to discuss greater access to refugee camps and increased protection of the internally displaced. (UN News)
2007
UNAMID Deployment on the Brink: the Road to Security in Darfur Blocked by Government Obstructions (December 2007)
This joint NGO report argues that a calculated campaign of obstruction by the Sudanese government, "interminably delays the deployment of UNAMID." Criticizing UN member states for a lack of support, the report claims that the people of Darfur will continue to suffer as long as there is no effective peacekeeping force on the ground. The authors call for a strong Security Council Presidential Statement condemning the actions of the Sudanese government, and they demand that UN member states fulfill their commitment in supplying critical equipment.
The Evolution of UN Peacekeeping (1): Hybrid Missions (November 2007)
This Friedrich Ebert Stiftung factsheet gives an overview of hybrid peacekeeping missions from 1948 to 2007. The report focuses on the combined missions of the United Nations and the African Union in Darfur (UNAMID), which is the largest and most expensive mission in UN peacekeeping history with a projected cost of US$ 2.6 billion in its first year. The authors stress that UNAMID's success depends on several factors like the willingness of countries to contribute troops and the political situation in Sudan.
Arms Continue to Flow into Darfur, Security Council Expert Panel Finds (October 10, 2007)
The UN sent experts to analyze Sudan's crisis from September 2006 to August 2007. The Expert Panel report indicates that the Sudanese government and rebel groups do not respect the UN arms embargo, and continue to traffic weapons through Chad and Eritrea's borders. As a result of constant hostilities from all the parties involved, the Sudanese government and rebel groups, disenable the possibility of a peace process. Several international humanitarian and human rights law have been violated and the experts recommend a stronger UN presence in the whole of Sudan. (UN News)
<Will The Failed Abuja Diplomacy Be Repeated in Libya? (September 26, 2007)
The author argues that "coercive diplomacy" does not work, and that the peace talks in Libya on October 27 will not succeed without an established common position among Darfur Rebel Movements. The UN Security Council Resolutions on Darfur remain ineffective if the Sudanese government continues its military operations. (Sudan Tribune)
What I Saw in Darfur (September 14, 2007)
After visiting Sudan, United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki Moon declares that Darfur suffers from a humanitarian, political and environmental crisis, and the international community should address the root causes of the conflict. The Secretary General also remarked that to deal with Darfur efficiently, the UN must not neglect South Sudan and the peace agreement signed two years ago. He does not see a possibility for peace without the fulfillment of all the country's basic needs. Although the UN Security Council approved 26,000 peacekeepers in the region, "no peacekeeping mission can succeed without a peace to keep." (Washington Post)
Blue-Hatting Darfur (September 5, 2007)
Mahmood Mamdani argues in Pambazuka that a UN mission without a political agreement between the warring parties will not promote peace in Darfur. On the contrary, he fears that without a cease-fire the peacekeeping mission will appear as a "military intervention." The failure of the May 2006 Darfur peace agreement led to increasing enthusiasm for a military solution by some international NGOs, who doubted the effectiveness of the African Union Mission. Western countries cut their funding and support for the AU mission, insuring it would not succeed. Those who favored a military solution then pushed for the establishment of a UN force to "salvage" the situation. The current "hybrid" operation will have many more military assets, but a political agreement remains the key.
Khartoum 'Defying Darfur Embargo' (August 24, 2007)
Amnesty International accuses Sudan of violating the arms embargo imposed by the Security Council. The NGO bases its claims on photographs of officials transferring containers from a Russian Antonov 12 fighter plane onto military vehicles and Sudanese helicopters at El Geneina airport in Darfur. Additionally, locals revealed that these helicopters provide arms for government troops and Janjaweed militias in Darfur. Amnesty calls on the Security Council to enforce the embargo, for example by stationing UN observers at all points of entry. (BBC)
Sudan Has Bigger Crisis Than Darfur: '05 Peace Pact Falling Apart (August 12, 2007)
This San Francisco Chronicle article argues that the UN, some NGOs, Hollywood and college campuses have spotlighted Darfur at the expense of another, potentially greater conflict in Sudan which has already killed over two million people. Although the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) technically ended the 21-year North-South civil war, former diplomats and Sudanese officials worry that the CPA will collapse over oil ownership. Likely, the oil-rich south will secede in a referendum scheduled for 2011 under the CPA, and this will renew the fighting.
An Atrocity That Needs No Exaggeration (August 12, 2007)
The New York Times reveals that the "Save Darfur" campaign greatly inflated the number of deaths in order to heighten the sense of crisis in Darfur and press for intervention. Experts have contested the widely advertised death toll of 400,000 and the most reliable estimate suggests that there were 131,000 excess deaths in Darfur as of June 2005, after which date, United Nations and relief groups register a sharp drop. According to the Center for Research on the Epidemiology of Disaster, most deaths were due to malnutrition and disease, not violence. "Ultimately, the inflated claims fuel a death race in which aid and action are based not on facts but on which advocacy group yells the loudest," concludes the article. Facts were manipulated in order to promote a policy of humanitarian intervention.
Confrontation Over Darfur 'Will Lead Us Nowhere' (July 27, 2007)
China's special envoy to Darfur, Liu Guijin, expresses frustration that western media, NGOs and US politicians have cast China as a dark, oil-hungry player in the conflict in Sudan, and this, despite the fact that 8.7 percent of Africa's oil goes to China versus nearly 70 percent to Europe and the US. Liu says that Beijing promotes a negotiated, political solution to conflict in Sudan, and that no peacekeeping mission can successfully function without Khartoum's blessing. China attributes Darfur's conflict to poverty and calls for aid and infrastructure development to support a negotiated solution. (China Daily)
How Much Is Ecology to Blame for Darfur Crisis? (July 22, 2007)
According to a UN Environmental Program report, degradation and desertification influence conflict in Darfur. The Sudanese government's manipulation and appropriation of such scarce resources as land, water and especially oil exacerbate conflict-inciting tensions. For example, in eastern Sudan, Khartoum diverted limited water from grazing land to commercial irrigation, leading to fighting in the region. (New York Times)
State Rules: Oil Companies and Armed Conflict in Sudan (July 18, 2007)
Since oil multinationals discovered Sudanese oil in the 1970s, they have perpetuated Khartoum's repressive policies, including the North-South and Darfur conflicts. This Third World Quarterly article attributes decades of multinational corporation (MNC) policy in Sudan not only to the corporations themselves, but especially to their home governments. These include home countries and companies such as the EU (Lundin), Canada (Talisman), the United States (Chevron), and more recently China (China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC)) and India (Oil and Natural Gas Company (ONGC) of India). Similar relationships between home governments, oil multinationals and host governments exacerbate conflict in other oil-rich countries.
Scientists Find Lake Remnants in Sudan (July 18, 2007)
Water scarcity exacerbates conflict in Darfur, which has suffered two seven-year droughts in the past two decades. But Boston University scientists led by Farouk El-Baz believe that the discovery of an underground lake might alleviate conflict. Both Egypt and UN peacekeeping forces will participate in drilling up to 1,000 wells, which would allow sedentary ethnic Africans as well as Arab nomads to maintain their lifestyles. (Associated Press)
A Climate Culprit in Darfur (June 16, 2007)
In this Washington Post column, UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon discusses the role of climate change behind the conflict in Darfur. Ban asserts that underneath the sociopolitical unrest, the real reason for the conflict is an ecological crisis. Since the 1980s, a sharp temperature rise in the Indian Ocean has caused a 40 per cent drop in Sub-Saharan Africa precipitation levels. The resulting water shortage triggered the violence between black farmers and Arab nomads in Darfur. Ban proposes economic development as the solution and urges UN member states to work in conjunction with Khartoum, humanitarian agencies and NGOs to cater to Darfur's urgent needs.
Fresh Diplomatic Row as Darfur Crisis Escalates (June 9, 2007)
The African Union (AU), the Arab League, China, Egypt, Russia and Sudan decried Bush's unilateral sanctions on government-run oil enterprises in Sudan. Arab League Secretary General Amir Moussa cites the shortcomings of previous sanctions as reason not to apply new ones. Sudanese Foreign Minister Lam Akol downplayed the predicted positive effects of sanctions and attributed them to US self-interest. The US is pressuring the UN Security Council to tighten sanctions, too. Sudan, China and the AU claimed that sanctions will only complicate conflict in Sudan. China, Egypt and Russia propose diplomacy rather than sanctions. (Standard-Nairobi)
How US Sanctions in Sudan Will Work (May 31, 2007)
The Christian Science Monitor analyzes the US Treasury's blacklisting system - in essence a list of "Specially Designated Nationals" – comparing it with broader forms of national sanctions. Adam Szubin, head of US Office of Foreign Assets Control, says that the narrowness of the sanctions can make them more effective than broad sweeping embargos by targeting individuals who have allegedly violated international code.
<UN Urges Sanctions Patience (May 30, 2007)
Following the US decision to press for broader sanctions against Sudan in the Security Council, UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon asks again for more time before introducing a new sanctions package, to secure the deployment of the hybrid peacekeeping force that the UN and African Union have now agreed on in detail. The US has also announced tougher national sanctions that will bar another 31 Sudanese companies from US trade and financial dealings, and target two top Sudanese government officials. (Agence France Presse)
Where Anti-Arab Prejudice and Oil Make the Difference (May 29, 2007)
While the myriad activists rally to intervene in Darfur, where several hundred thousand innocents have died, far fewer people – politicians and public alike – acknowledge the estimated 3-4 million deaths in the Democratic Republic of Congo. This Guardian article argues that the perceived ethnic make-up of the groups in conflict in Darfur – "Arab killers" versus "African victims" - is one reason for the disproportionate attention given to Sudan. The other reason, the author claims, is oil interest, particularly that of China and the US. The article says that "liberal interventionism" is prone to double standards and disaster.
MoD Trains Sudanese Soldiers Linked to Genocide in Darfur (May 28, 2007)
Despite Britain's accusing the Sudanese government of complicity in violence in Darfur and calling for sanctions against Khartoum, the UK has provided military training for the Sudanese armed forces. Even with the Sudanese government's serious human rights violations, nine high ranking Sudanese military personnel attended British military schools in 2006-7.(Scotsman)
Darfur: Forget Genocide, There's Oil (May 25, 2007)
This Asia Times Online piece describes Darfur as the battleground for the petroleum geopolitical competition between the US and China. The US has criticized China's financial and other initiatives to secure raw materials in Sub-Saharan Africa, although securing oil has long been at the heart of Washington's own foreign policy. The article surmises that the US eagerness to label the Darfur crisis as "genocide" is a move to open up the possibility of NATO "regime change" intervention. Further, the writer accuses the US of fueling the conflict in the region by training the Sudan Peoples' Liberation Army and pouring arms into the region.
China Unlikely to Bow to Critics on Darfur (May 21, 2007)
Critics blame China for propping up Sudan since 2000 by pumping money into the country in exchange for oil. Until recently, China has not put any pressure on the Sudanese government to act on the violence in Darfur and has opposed UN sanctions against the country. Agence France Presse suggests that China's stance may stem from its principle of non-interference in the affairs of other countries. Yitzhak Shichor, an East Asia expert at the University of Haifa, says that China expects reciprocal non-interference in its own affairs from the international community.
Peacekeepers Alone Can't Help Darfur - UNHCR Chief (April 24, 2007)
UN High Commissioner for Refugees Antonio Guterres says that without a comprehensive political solution in Darfur, peacekeeping operations there can only have limited effectiveness. Gutteres confirms that despite the increasing security risk, UNHCR is planning to increase its presence in West Darfur. Eritrea, which is on good terms with Sudan, says that it is trying to bring all the rebel factions to the negotiating table with the Sudanese government. (Reuters)
Sudan Says Willing to Talk on UN-AU Darfur Operation (April 23, 2007)
Khartoum says that it is willing to discuss the deployment of a UN-African Union (AU) hybrid force in Darfur, but that it will not accept the force "under Western blackmail." Sudanese Minister Mustafa Osman Ismail criticizes the US and UK for their sanctions threat. He adds that UN funding of AU troops is the way forward for the region. (Reuters)
>Sudan Angry at Leak of UN Report on Darfur Abuses (April 19, 2007)
Khartoum's Ambassador to the UN Abdalmahmood Abdalhaleem condemns the leaked UN report about disguised planes carrying weapons into the country, saying that it was a deliberate attempt to overshadow positive peacekeeping developments in the region. The report came right after Khartoum's acceptance of a UN bolstering force in Darfur, and amidst pressure on the Sudanese government from the US and UK either to accept a large UN-African Union hybrid force or face sanctions. (Reuters)
Why Sudan Is Now Allowing UN Troops in Darfur (April 18, 2007)
The Christian Science Monitor analyzes possible reasons for Sudan's acceptance of UN troops and looks at international reactions to this development. Some analysts feel that China, who has just started to pressure Sudan, made the difference, whilst skeptics say that Khartoum is continuing to string the international community along with its inconsistent actions. Meanwhile, the UK and US continue to put pressure on the country, threatening sanctions if the government does not accept a large UN peacekeeping force in the near future.
UN, African Union Announce Darfur Peace Plan (April 17, 2007)
UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon and African Union Chief Executive Alpha Oumar Konare announce that following Khartoum's acceptance of Kofi Annan's peace plan for Darfur, a 3,000 strong UN peacekeeping force will be deployed in the region by June. They confirm that alongside military deployment, they will intensify efforts to achieve a political solution with the Sudanese government in order to address the crisis continuing in the region. Ban and Konare stress the intention to follow the troop reinforcement with a 20,000-strong hybrid UN-AU force. (Associated Press)
Sudan Uses UN Colors to Disguise Military Flights, Report Says (April 17, 2007)
A confidential report of the UN sanction committee on Sudan finds that the Khartoum government is flying weapons into Darfur in contravention of Security Council resolutions. The leaked report says that disguised planes are being used for aerial surveillance and the bombardment of villages and adds that rebel groups fighting the Khartoum government are also guilty of violating UN resolutions, peace treaty agreements and humanitarian standards. The Panel of Experts recommend that the Security Council tighten the arms embargo imposed on Khartoum. Critics may question the timing and intention of such revelations, as after months of bargaining, the government of Sudan has just accepted UN peacekeepers' reinforcement of the African Union's mission in Darfur. (New York Times)
China Says Sanctions on Sudan Over Darfur Would Create New Problems (April 11, 2007)
Assistant Foreign Minister of China Zhai Jun says that there is "much hope" for resolving the conflict in Sudan and is therefore not in favor of "hasty" measures such as imposing broader sanctions on the country. He urges the international community to listen to the views of the Sudanese government and to engage in dialogue with Khartoum on a basis of equal-footing which he believes is more effective than simply telling the government how to act. (Associated Press)
China Urges Sudan to Accept UN Troops (April 10, 2007)
China's Assistant Foreign Minister, Zhai Jun says that China has "exercised all possible efforts, political, economic and others and advised our Sudanese brothers to accept Annan's plan" for the deployment of UN peacekeepers in Darfur. China has recently been criticized for protecting the Sudanese government as a key economic partner. Zhai praised flexibility in the plan but says that there must be "mutual consultations on an equal basis" on the matter. (Associated Press)
UN Chief Seeks to Delay Sanctions Against Sudan (April 3, 2007)
Following the death of five African Union peacekeepers in Darfur, UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon asks the US and UK to delay their plans for sanctions against Sudan, saying that he needs more time to press the government in Khartoum to allow more UN peacekeepers into the region. Ban says that he has reached an agreement with Sudanese President Omar Hasan Ahmad al-Bashir to hold discussions with the African Union in Addis Ababa to discuss a plan to send a reinforced UN peacekeeping force of more than 2,250 troops to Darfur. (Washington Post)
UN and Sudan Sign Joint Communique to Protect Darfur Operations (March 29, 2007)
In a Joint Communique with the UN the Sudanese government pledges support and protection for all humanitarian operations giving aid to the people of Darfur. Khartoum commits amongst other measures to facilitate the entry of aid workers by changing visa and customs procedures. Representatives of the UN, the Sudanese government, NGOs and the international community will form a committee to monitor and regulate government obligations under the agreement. (MaximsNews)
US Plans New Financial Sanctions on Sudan (March 14, 2007)
The US and UK consider new sanctions against Sudan that would among other things impose travel bans and freeze assets of individuals linked with the events in Darfur. The US administration says that its plans to impose unilateral sanctions are part of a plan to gain Khartoum's co-operation in allowing a joint UN/African Union force into the region. In addition to the US imposed sanctions, the UK hopes that the UN will also impose sanctions against Sudan widening the existing arms embargo and imposing a no-fly zone over Darfur. (Reuters)
