Global Policy Forum

By David Phillips

In designating the United States and Britain as occupying powers in Iraq, the U.S.-sponsored resolution for the UN Security Council acknowledges American and British responsibility for running the country. The resolution is consistent with the Bush administration's approach to multilateralism: It is prepared to work with the United Nations when cooperation lends legitimacy or advances U.S. interests. The UN secretary-general, Kofi Annan, should not take on too expansive a role. With their hands full restoring security and basic services, the occupying powers need help to rebuild Iraq's civilian institutions. But the United Nations should limit its focus to governance, transitional justice and human rights - activities of critical importance to Iraq where the world body has a proven track record.

As a first step, Annan should appoint a politically savvy and seasoned UN special coordinator to act as a counterpart to the U.S. civilian administrator, L. Paul Bremer, and work closely with Iraq's emerging political leaders. Under American and British guidance, an interim authority of Iraqis is to be established. As in Afghanistan, the United Nations should help shape this process. Local elections will be the next step in Iraq's democratic development. Building on the World Food Program's registry of Iraqi families, the United Nations should organize local elections by conducting a population census, promulgating an election law and organizing a public outreach program informing Iraqis of election procedures, including the rights and responsibilities of citizens in a democracy. At the same time, the United Nations could assist Iraqis to prepare a constitution. UN experts who have worked in new democracies such as East Timor could help Iraqis draft power-sharing arrangements for the country's federal parliamentary system.

Expertise will also be needed to bring Iraq's courts and legal system into line with international standards. The world body has helped develop an independent judiciary in dozens of countries emerging from conflict, such as Cambodia. In addition, the UN approach in Sierra Leone could be a useful guide in prosecuting Iraqi war criminals, while its experience in Guatemala is relevant in removing Ba'ath Party influence in Iraq and preparing for an appropriate truth and reconciliation process. To consolidate legal and judicial reforms, measures will be needed to strengthen civil society in Iraq and restore a sense of personal responsibility. The United Nations can contribute to the human rights agenda by focusing on reform of Iraq's educational system. Developing a co-existence curriculum would have the immediate benefit of improving relations among Iraq's many different religious, ethnic and tribal groups, while nurturing the country's traumatized youth.

It is also important to expand the pivotal role of women as peace builders. Iraqi women are noted for their leading role in family and community life, as well as their high level of education and professional accomplishment. As it has done elsewhere, the United Nations can work to harness the contribution of women in Iraq's healing and rehabilitation. The UN special coordinator must mobilize broader international involvement and greater financial support. When the UN oil for food program shuts down in four months, the balance in its escrow account will roll over into the Iraqi Assistance Fund. From then on, the occupying powers will determine how oil revenues are spent. Meanwhile the United Nations will be expected to pay for its activities in Iraq by raising funds from the voluntary contributions of member states. Annan must move quickly to identify a finite but significant role for the United Nations in Iraq. In crafting such a role, he should remember that to the occupying powers, burden-sharing means sharing the blame should Iraq return to violence or become a failed state.

* The writer is a senior fellow and deputy director of the Center for Preventive Action at the Council on Foreign Relations in New York.

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