Global Policy Forum

Ambassador Wibisono of Indonesia (December 16, 1999)

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December 16, 1999

 

ga-121699 Statement by HE Ambassador Makarim Wibisono (Permanent Representative of the Republic of Indonesia) in the General Assembly Plenary Meeting on Agenda Item 38: The question of equitable representation on and increase of in the membership of the Security Council and related matters

Mr. President,

When the Open-Ended Working Group on reform of the Security Council concluded its deliberations held during the Fifty-Third Session of the General Assembly, my delegation was gratified to note a number of positive and encouraging developments. These include, inter-alia, the affirmation that the reform process should be conducted in accordance with relevant General Assembly resolutions; and in that context, the Working Group constitutes the appropriate forum to pursue efforts towards the reform process; the importance of reform with regard both to the Security Council's composition to ensure equitable representation as well as its functioning to fully respect the need for transparency; the link between the question of an expansion and the exercise of the veto; periodic review of a reconstituted Council to adapt to new and changing realities; and the continued progress made with regard to the working methods and practices. Taken together, they have laid a solid basis upon which to build an acceptable edifice of Security Council reform .

But it is also clear that even after marathon deliberations spanning over a six-year period, we are far from reaching a general agreement on substantive issues comprising, among others, new permanent memberships or seats, the total number of an enlarged Council in the permanent and non-permanent categories, decision-making, and the institutionalization of certain procedures and practices that are already in effect. The crux of the problem continues to be the democratization of its membership, transparency of its functioning and accountability to the general membership.

We have considered at length a myriad of proposals and thoroughly examined them as regards their conformity with the contemporary world and implications for the efficient functioning of the Security Council. Thus, various categories of membership were submitted along with the criteria for election and privileges, obligations and responsibilities. We now have a general understanding of these categories and the reasonings behind them. In this context, it is essential to bear in mind that notwithstanding geo-political, economic, demographic and other realities, developing countries continue to be disenfranchised as four out of five permanent members are from the developed nations, an anomaly which can not be perpetuated. It is also pertinent to note that two thirds of the world's population in the developing countries is without representation in the permanent membership; hence this aspect of an expansion should be addressed now. To continue with the status quo would tantamount to the perpetuation of representational inequality and an infringement of the democratic principle on which our Organization was founded.

Likewise, the question of an increase in non-permanent membership also touches on the Council's representative character as only 8% of the general membership is now represented in the Council. Further compounding the situation is the fact that although the membership of the Organization has grown by nearly 60% since its last increase in 1965, there has not been a corresponding increase in the membership of the Security Council for over three decades. Consequently, any review of the Council's composition must taken these into account and thereby ensure a balanced configuration in the composition of the Council which would inevitably lead to the widening of its decision-making basis.

As far as the exercise of veto is concerned, Mr. President, documents of the United Nations show that approximately 280 vetoes were cast, most of them during the Cold War era. To contend that these were cast in the interests of the international community in accordance with Article 24 of the Charter would be a travesty of facts; on the contrary, it would more closer to truth to contend that these were used to promote the national interests of the countries concerned. It gave rise to a widely shared perception that the Security Council was being used as an institution for the imposition of the will of the strong over the weak or world affairs being run by a small group of powerful nations. And this is the raison d'etre for the near universal denunciation of the exercise of veto which violates the wishes of the majority - one of the cardinal principles of democracy. The insistence on this presumed right may buttress the disturbing trends witnessed in recent times of the marginalization of the Council's role and the erosion of its authority in the maintenance of international peace and security. It is in the interest of all nations to reverse these trends through flexibility and compromise, realism and pragmatism, so that the objectives that we have collectively set to reform the Council will materialize and this in turn will enable the Council to cope up with the challenges that it will surely face in the millennium.

With regard to the Council's procedures, the beneficial impact of the Working Group's deliberations is apparent in an increase in the number of open meetings of the Council, more transparency in the proceedings of the sanctions committees and briefings offered by the presidency at the conclusion of the informal consultations. To a greater extent than ever before, the Council's functioning and modus operandi have improved in its relations with the general membership of the Organization.
Yet the secrecy surrounding decision-making during informal consultations from which member states especially those involved in disputes are denied an opportunity to express their views continues to be a cause of concern. This closed door approach is incompatible with the on-going efforts for timely and adequate information and has rendered the Council less transparent. Written records and documents would ensure the free flow of information, dispel misunderstanding and reinforce confidence in the decision--making processes. Open meetings of the Council should become more routine without relegating consultations which my delegation understands is an essential part of diplomacy. The question of reliable and pertinent information is also an integral part of the relationship between the General Assembly and the Security Council and the promotion of greater interaction between these two major organs of the United Nations.

In sum, Mr. President, the composition of the Security Council should be comprehensively conceived and its functioning dedicated to peace, justice and security. Its credibility and moral authority can only be enhanced by acting in a prompt, even-handed and impartial manner and in the interests of all states.

The question of reform of the Security Council is admittedly one of the most difficult issues ever faced by member states of our Organization. In recognition of this truism, sustained efforts were made to explore various aspects of the complexities involved in dealing with an issue that impinges upon the vital interests of all nations. We are convinced that the progress already made has laid a solid basis for further work towards reconstituting the Council on the basis of a package of reforms to which member states are committed.

In conclusion, Mr. President, my delegation wishes to express its best wishes in discharging your onerous responsibilities as Chairman of the Open-Ended Working Group and remains confident that given your experience, creativity and stewardship, our deliberations will lead to a successful conclusion. Towards this objective, we pledge our full cooperation.

 

I thank you, Mr. President.


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